VIRGINIA SUPREME COURT: PENN STATE SYNDROME
All
too often over the last few years there have been spectacles of large
institutions protecting themselves and their reputations in the face of the
most vile crimes. Penn State is a prime example of people in leadership
positions placing the school and its highly regarded football program
reputation ahead of the safety of young boys.
Sadly, in Virginia
we have experienced a similar disregard for human decency and truth when
confronted with a crime of monumental proportions. Here, it was not turning a
blind eye toward years of sexual molestion of young boys, it was the murder of
32 people and the wounding of 17 at Virginia Tech.
Virginians know
all too well that for nearly seven years the Virginia Tech victims and families
have sought the truth. But the power of the governor’s mansion, the state’s
Attorney General, and the influence peddling of the southwestern Virginia’s
most powerful economic engine, Virginia Tech, have blunted their efforts.
First, came the
school’s hiring of one of the most powerful public relations firms,
Burson-Marsteller, (at a cost of around three-quarters of a million dollars) to
spin the tragedy to the school’s benefit. Second, came the state’s hiring of a
private, Arlington-based company to produce a badly flawed Governor’s Review
Panel Report. The final version of that report, known as The Addendum, is still riddled with errors, fails to address
critical questions, and assigns no blame despite evidence of gross
incompetence.
Now, the third and
most recent Virginia example of bureaucratic willingness to protect an
institution’s reputation despite glaring evidence of incompetence and willful
blindness, comes in the Virginia Supreme Court’s decision to set aside a jury verdict
holding Virginia Tech accountable and liable for not warning the campus on the
morning of April 16, 2007.
The decision was
announced, fittingly, on Halloween—October 31, 2013. In a poorly written
decision that contains a critical error of fact, Justice Cleo E. Powell wrote,
“under the facts of this case, there was no duty for the Commonwealth to warn
students about the potential for criminal acts by third parties.”
There are two
major problems with the Court’s reasoning. First is a major error fact. Justice
Powell wrote on page two “… the Blacksburg Police Department led the
investigation.” That is not true. The investigation was conducted under an
agreement between Blacksburg and the school whereby the requesting police force
led the investigation.The Virginia Tech Police Department’s Chief Wendell
Flinchum led the investigation. How could the Virginia Supreme Court unanimously
be wrong on this critical fact?
The second problem
in the decision says the ruling is based on the facts of the case and then the
supreme court interprets some facts in the most favorable way possible for the
school and completely ignores other facts. For example, there is absolutely no
evidence that the double homicide at Norris Hall at 7:15 a.m. was a domestic
incident or love triangle—which was the the school’s excuse for not warning.
The court never
explains why it was correct for Virginia Tech to warn the campus nine months
earlier when William Morva broke out of the Blacksburg jail and killed two
people, but the school failed to warn when no weapon was found at a double
murder, with thirteen bloodly footprints leading away from the crime scene. All
the evidence pointed to a killer being on the loose and on campus.
The court decision
never explains why it was correct for Virginia Tech to warn the campus over the
flu and mold, but not a murderer. The court apparently is not interested in the discrepancies
between the sworn testimony of Virginia Tech Police Chief Wendell Flinchum and
notes taken at the school’s Policy Group over whether or not to warn the campus
and lockdown.
It was bad enough
that the timeline in the state’s official report of the rampage, The Addendum, could not even get the
timing of Cho’s sucide correct and omits critical facts. Now the Virginia
Supreme Court has added its name to the list of government organizations
willing to play fast and free with facts in order to protect a school and its
leaders.
In my classes on
intelligence and crime analysis I teach there are two critical parts to an
investigation: the timeline and the person in charge of the investigation (and
how the investigation is
conducted). The Governor’s Review Panel Report got the first one wrong, the
Virginia Supreme Court got the second one wrong—in a unanimous decision.
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